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About_Money.txt
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1996-07-08
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12KB
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246 lines
From the Radio Free Michigan archives
ftp://141.209.3.26/pub/patriot
If you have any other files you'd like to contribute, e-mail them to
bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu.
------------------------------------------------
Money
by Richard Forest
In United States v. Rifen (577 F2d 1111, 1113 (8th Cir. 1978)) the court
stated that the Constitution "prohibits the States from declaring legal
tender anything other than gold or silver, but does not limit Congress'
power to declare what shall be legal tender for all debts."
An Alaskan appellate court states, "United States Congress has power to
make anything it wishes legal tender; Congress is not limited to gold or
silver coins." (Lowry v. State, 655 F2d 780).
A Kansas appellate court states, "power to declare what shall be money and
regulate it's value is vested in Congress, which has Constitutional power
to make paper money legal tender in payment of debts." (Allen v. Craig, 1
Kan App 2d 301)
These courts appear to pay great lip service to the Constitution. Are these
courts really correct? Can Congress exercise the power to make paper -- or
chickens -- a legal tender under the Constitution?
In order to find the truth, we are going to have to define some terms. The
terms "bill of credit" and "Legal tender" are defined in the 1877 Bouvier's
Law Dictionary:
"LEGAL TENDER. That currency which has been made suitable by law for
the purposes of a tender in the payment of debts.
"The following descriptions of currency are legal tender in the United
States:--
"All the gold coins of the United States are a legal tender in all
payments at their nomonal value when not below the standard weight and
tolerance provided by law for the single piece, and, when reduced in
weight below such standard tolerance, they are a legal tender at
valuation in proportion to their actual weight. The silver dollar of
412 1/2 grains is a legal tender for all debts and dues, public and
private, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract.
The silver coins of the United States of smaller denominations than
one dollar are a legal tender in all sums not exceeding ten dollars in
payment of all dues, public and private. The trade dollar of 420
grains is not a legal tender. The five-cent piece, the three-cent
piece, and the one-cent piece are legal tender for any amount not
exceeding twenty-five cents in any one payment. No foreign coins are
now a legal tender.
"By acts of Feb. 25, 1862, July 11, 1862, and March 3, 1863 [Civil War
years], congress authorized the issue of notes of the United States,
declaring them a legal tender for all debts, public and private,
except duties on imports and interest on the public debt. 12 Stat. at
L. 345,532,709. These notes are obligations of the United States, and
are exempt from state taxation; 7 Wall. 26; but where a state requires
its taxes to be paid in coin, they cannot be discharged by a tender of
these notes. A debt created prior to the passage of the legal tender
acts, and payable by the express terms of the contract in gold and
silver coins, cannot be satisfied by a tender of treasury notes: 7
Wall. 229; id. 258; 12 id. 687. The legal tender acts are
constitutional, as applied to pre-existing contracts, as well as to
those made subsequent to their passage; 12 Wall. 457; per Strong, J.,
overruling their previous opinion of the court in 8 Wall. 604, per
Chase, C.J. See 17 Am. L. Reg. 193; 19 id. 73; 21 id. 601."
Also from Bouvier's:
"BILL OF CREDIT. Paper issued by the authority of a state on the
faith of the state, and designed to circulate as money; 11 Pet. 257.
"Promissory notes or bills issued by a state government, exclusively,
on the credit of the state, and intended to circulate throughout the
community for its ordinary purposes as money, redeemable at a future
day, and for the payment of which the faith of the state is pledged; 4
Kent. 408.
"The constitution of the United States provides that no state shall
emit bills if credit, or make any thing but gold and silver coin a
tender in payment of debts. U.S. Const. art. 1. sec. 10. This
prohibition, it seems, does not apply to bills issued by the state but
having a specific capital set apart; 2 M'Cord. 12; 4 Ark. 44; 11 Pet.
257; 13 How. 12; but see 4 Pet. 410; 2 Ill. 87; nor does it apply to
notes issued by corporations or individuals which are not made legal
tender; 4 Kent, 408, and notes. See 2 Pet. 318; 4 Dall. xxiii.; 3
Wall.Jr. 381; Story, Const. Secs. 1362-1364. As to the power of
ursurping governments to bind the public faith for the redemption of
notes issued by a revolutionary power, see 35 Ga. 330; 1 Abb. U.S.
261."
Article 1, Section 8 of the United States Constitution gives congress the
power to "borrow money on the credit of the United States" and to "coin
money."
The first two drafts of the Federal Constitution included the power to
"emit bills of credit" among the powers of congress. On August 16, 1787,
that power was struck off the list of the enumerated powers of congress.
The following record of the minutes of the Constitutional Convention for
that day gives full understanding of the legal intent of the convention:
Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to strike out "and emit bills on the
credit of the United States." If the United States had credit, such
bills would be unnecessary; if they had not, unjust & useless.
Mr. BUTLER seconds the motion.
Mr. MADISON. Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them a
tender? This will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust
views; and promissory notes, in that shape, may in some emergencies be
best.
Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Striking out the words will leave room still
for notes of a responsible minister, which will do all the good
without the mischef. The moneyed interest will oppose the plan of
government, if paper emissions be not prohibited.
Mr. GORMAN was for striking out without inserting any prohibition. If
the words stand, they may suggest and lead to the measure.
Mr. MASON had doubts on the subject. Congress, he thought, would not
have the power, unless it were expressed. Though he had a mortal
hatred to paper money, yet, as he could not forsee all emergencies, he
was unwilling to tie the hands of the legislature. He observed that
the late war could not have been carried on, had any such prohibition
existed.
Mr. GORMAN. The power, as far as it will be necessary or safe, is
involved in that of borrowing.
Mr. MERCER was a friend to paper money, though, in the present state
and temper of America, he should neither propose nor approve of such a
measure. He was consequently opposed to a prohibition altogether. It
will stamp suspicion on the government, to deny it a discretion on
this point. It was impolitic, also, to excite the opposition of all
those who were friends of paper money. The people of property would
be sure to be on the side of the plan, and it was impolitic to
purchase their further attachment with the loss of the opposite class
of citizens.
Mr. ELLSWORTH thought this a favorable moment to shut and bar the door
against paper money. The mischiefs of the various experiments which
had been made were now fresh in the public mind, and had excited the
disgust of all the respectable part of America. By withholding the
power from the new government, more friends of influence would be
gained to it than anything else. Paper money can in no case be
necessary. Give the government credit, and other resources will offer.
The power may do harm, never good.
Mr. RANDOLPH, notwithstanding his antipathy to paper money, could not
agree to strike out the words, as he could not forsee all the
occasions that might arise.
Mr. WILSON. It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of
the United States, to remove the possibility of paper money. This
expedient can never succeed whilst its mischiefs are remembered; and,
as long as it can be resorted to , it will be a bar to other
resources.
Mr. BUTLER remarked that paper was a legal tender in no country in
Europe. He was urgent for disarming the government for such a power.
Mr. MASON was still adverse to tying the hands of the legislature
altogether. If there was no example in Europe, as just remarked, it
might be observed, on the other side, that there was none in which the
government was restrained on the head.
Mr. READ thought the words, if not struck out, would be as alarming as
the mark of the Beast in Revelation.
Mr. LANGDON had rather reject the whole plan than retain the three
words, "and emit bills."
On the motion for striking out,--
New Hampshire
Massachusetts
Connecticut
Pennsylvania
Delaware
Virginia*
North
Carolina
South Carolina
Georgia
Ay -- 9
New Jersey
Maryland
No -- 2
The clause for borrowing money was agreed tom nem. con. Adjourned.
* The vote in the affirmative by Virginia was occasioned by the
acquiescence Mr. Madison, who became satisfied that striking out the
words would not disable the government from the use of public notes,
as far as they could be safe and proper; and would only cut off the
pretext for a paper currency, and particularly for making the bills a
tender, either for public or private debts.
The following sources were used for the foregoing: "The Records of the
Federal Convention," Max Ferrand, Vol 2, pp. 308-311; "Elliott's Debates on
the Adoption of the Federal Convention," Jonathan Elliott, Vol. 5 pp. 434-
435; "The Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 Which Framed the
Constitution of the United States of America," as reported by James
Madison, pp. 413, 414; :Journal of the Federal Convention," kept by James
Madison, pp. 541-543.
Since the adoption of the Federal Convention, three classes of paper have
circulated as legal tender in America:
1. Notes payable on demand in gold or silver coin.
2. Notes payable in gold or silver coin at an unspecified future date
(bills of credit).
3. Nonredeemable "notes" redeemable in nothing at any time, apparently
having value through the force of law.
The minutes of the convention demonstrate that the Constitution gives
Congress authority to make gold coin, silver coin, and no less a class of
paper than notes payable on demand in gold or silver coin a legal tender.
While congress has the authority to issue bills of credit through its power
to borrow money on the credit of the United States, the power to make them
a legal tender was withdrawn on August 16, 1787.
Clearly, nonredeemable federal reserve notes have no constitutional
authorization as legal tender. They do not appear to have congressional
authority either, since under 31 USC 411 a federal reserve note is defined
by law to be redeemable on demand.
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Radio Free Michigan archives by the archive maintainer.
All files are ZIP archives for fast download.
E-mail bj496@Cleveland.Freenet.Edu)